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Jordan did spend some time to call and inquire why we been looking into his financial affairs and inform us that "I have no idea of that it's any business the amount of money I make."This type of brush off is almost certainly Jordan's stock in trade when pressed about his position or actions. In 1992, soon after being named co chair of Clinton's transition team, Jordan dismissed a reporter's queries about his insider, wheeler dealer status with: "I usually do not apologize or feel any should explain that I am engaged in a process that's as American as anything I know." He even got the modern President elect to the spirit: Responding to questions regarding the appearance of conflict in having Jordan, a board person in cigarette manufacturer RJR Nabisco, to assist fill posts at Health and Human Services or any other agencies included in smoking related issues, Clinton stated: "I do not think the American people ought to be concerned about it."Wrong. The American people should certainly be interested in the individuals who shape the economy and politics with this country even individuals who do so in a unofficial capacity.
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No one with Jordan's influence and connections is capable of be the sole custodian of his or her own ethics. If anything, Jordan's "unofficial" status and also the lack of disclosure it allows suggests we ought to be paying more, not less, care about his business. Vernon Jordan might be more than the President's best buddy: He was brokering multi most important deals for his clients and keeping company together with the privileged and powerful a long time before the Clinton clan rolled to the national scene. Now, because person perhaps nearest the President's car and farthest through the public eye, Jordan holds a distinctive (and enviable) position. As a result, she has faced criticism through the years for having out of stock his activist roots to get a key to Corporate America. But Jordan has long been an "establishment" form of guy. He has never been a '60s radical. He never was into marches or protests or sit ins or some of the other activities so closely associated with all the movement.
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"Vernon was always obvious on the issues," says period of time friend and civil rights colleague Edward C. Sylvester, "but if it carne as a result of getting out inside streets, I tend not to recall Vernon [participating]."From the beginning, Jordan decide to work using the Establishment. A 1960 graduate of Howard University law school (as well as a DePauw University undergrad), he worked like a law clerk for any Georgia civil rights attorney until 1961, when he accepted a situation as NAACP field director to the state of Georgia. Even then, he was viewed being a sell out by some. "Vernon was always snickered at in civil rights circles due to his fancy dress costumes and his involvement inside NAACP, portion of the conservative, highly bureaucratic wing on the movement," notes historian Taylor Branch, who was simply recruited by Jordan from the late '60s to work about the Voter Education Project. "Vernon has never been a demonstrator, even for the height on the demonstration period." In fact, while for the NAACP, Jordan's job often involved working behind the scenes to mobilize "respectable" NAACP members against demonstrations being organized from the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.Of course, where white southerners were concerned, the NAACP, having its push for voter registration and school integration, was straight away from a nightmare, adds Branch.